It was recommended that “a broader
involvement of civil societies and the political
authorities in South Sudan should be considered
as indispensable as a final step towards
implementation of the ‘House of Nationalities’
at whatever level.” As a result, the
Aberdare seminar was followed a year later
by a one-day workshop in Nairobi. This was
in turn followed in January this year by
a much bigger three-day workshop, also in
Nairobi, which was attended by over 70 individual
members of the ethnic communities of South
Sudan and of the Nuba Mountains.
A Broader and Inclusive Debate
At the Nairobi workshop, it was pointed
out to the participants by one of the pioneers,
South Sudanese lawyer, Mr. John Luk Jok,
that the “the ‘House of Nationalities’
cannot exist in isolation of other organs
or institutions of government;” that
“it should, therefore, be conceived
in the context of a broader and more comprehensive
constitutional framework.”
Mr. Jok also gave special thanks to another
South Sudanese pioneer of the ‘House
of Nationalities’ concept, Dr. Peter
Adwok Nyaba, for hard work and dedication
to the idea. He credited him with having
been instrumental in researching, advancing
and spreading the discussion on the ‘House
of Nationalities’. Dr. Nyaba’s
research work, he pointed out, has resulted
in the original “green” and
the updated “blue” booklets,
which are now in circulation.
Dr. Nyaba himself spoke of his dream for
peace in Sudan, whether signed in Machakos
or elsewhere. But he also spoke of his fears
for more bloodshed "if we don't change
our ways."
He pointed out that fighting among (Photo:
Dr. Nyaba, right, and Mr Edward Apuoro at
the Nairobi Workshop) Southern Sudanese
over the years "has killed more Southerners
than those killed by the enemy." This,
he said, was the result of having ignored
people's values.
He challenged the workshop to chart out
a path that will lead away from the old
system of dictatorship and injustice to
an era of peace, democracy and respect for
human values.
He appreciated very much the recognition
and constitutional responsibility accorded
to the "House of Elders" in Somaliland,
an experience of which that country's Ambassador,
Hussein Ali Dualeh, spoke so eloquently
at the Nairobi workshop.
Other Experiences
Ambassador Dualeh deplored the general experience
of governance in Africa in the last three
to four decades, during which time too much
power was bestowed on the leaders without
constitutional provisions in place to question
their performance.
Even in Somalia, where language, culture,
and religion are not issues of conflict,
he cited an example in which 47 out of 49
government ministers came from the same
clan.
"Obviously this," he said, "caused
unrest among other clans who demanded fairness.
When those in power refused to share power,
the result was the unrest that led to the
collapse of Somalia as a nation and the
continuing suffering of the Somali people!"
Eventually, however, Somaliland looked
to the elders to save the situation and
they have brought peace back to that part
of greater Somalia. He pleaded with the
Southern Sudanese not to abandon their roots
and the wisdom of elders in the governance
of their country.
Professor Yash Pal Ghai, Chairman of the
Kenya Constitutional Review Commission,
empathised the central role of any constitution
to provide for justice and fairness among
all citizens.
He pointed out, for instance, the need for
the Kenyan constitution to provide for ethnic
and religious minorities, as well as providing
for gender balance.
(Photo: centre picture Prof Ghai and Ambassador
Dualeh to his left), "Overall, he said,
the aim of the Kenyan Constitution Review
is to strengthen national unity while bearing
in mind the different cultures involved,
so that cultural and social uniformity are
not imposed."
Ambassador Josef Bucher, a man whose country,
Switzerland, has been more than generous
in funding the previous seminars as well
as the workshop, spoke of "the white
tribes" or "nationalities"
that make up the Swiss Federation and the
delicate balancing of powers among the three
nationalities, namely: the German-speaking,
the French-speaking and the
Italian-speaking parts of Switzerland.
Rotation of powers is frequently affected
at the highest levels of the Federal Presidency
and Assembly in such a way that both the
small and large nationalities are given
their fair share of power. Power, he said,
corrupts and has to be guarded with clear
constitutional procedures.
Perhaps the man who brought it clearly
home to the Nairobi workshop was Ambassador
Bethuel Kipligat, a Kenyan diplomat with
long experience in peace and conflict resolution
in Africa.
He underlined the failure of policies pursued
by much of Africa for the last three to
four decades of independence. While preaching
unity of the nation, African governments
failed to recognise, tended to ignore, and
even tried to suppress, the reality and
dynamism of existing traditional values
with disastrous results.
"From 1960 to 1992," he said,
"35 African countries have suffered
conflicts and, in the process, 23 heads
of state were assassinated." He noted
that 28 out of the 35 conflicts were against
the state, and all because those in power
were unwilling to share it. In a recent
debate on the Kenyan Constitutional Review,
Mr. Kipligat urged his compatriots not to
leave anything to chance again this time.
Of power, he said, no one is to be trusted!
“Even I cannot trust myself!"
he said. A man much acquainted with the
long war and the suffering of South Sudanese
at home and in exile, he sincerely endorsed
their search for more democratic and just
governance in the Sudan.
Moving the Goalposts
In the minds of many South Sudanese, the
Nairobi Workshop would appear to have essentially
moved the goalposts from previously less
ambitious to the more ambitious proposals,
which place ethnicity in the heart of constitutional
legislature and governance.
To that end, proposals are now weighted
towards the establishment of a "House
of Nationalities" as an "Upper
House" of legislature at the national
as well as at the regional levels as soon
as possible inside Southern Sudan. It is
now expected that these proposals will be
decided on in a national conference to be
held inside Southern Sudan as soon as possible.
The proposal to establish the "House
of Nationalities" was agreed in principle
and found to be acceptable, not only to
the broad cross section of the civil society
organisations and among Southern Sudanese
in general - as well as the people of the
Nuba Mountains (which is in the north) who
participated in the workshop - but also
to the SPLM/A.
While the SPLM/A was initially reluctant
to participate and give the project its
sincere blessing, Dr. Samson Kwaje, the
movement's Commissioner for Information
and official spokesman, in his closing remarks
to the Nairobi Workshop, not only gave the
concept his movement's full blessing and
support but also urged its immediate commissioning
back home.
Nevertheless, while there was broad agreement
to establish the ‘House of Nationalities’
in Southern Sudan as soon as possible, pertinent
questions about the exact status of the
House remain to be answered. For example:
should it be advisory or legislative?
Where would it be based? Should there be
just one at the national level or should
there be a "House of Nationalities"
in each region? Questions such as these
were deferred for a later date, when they
will be the subject of consultation during
the proposed conference to be held inside
South Sudan.
It was proposed and agreed that all nationalities,
civil society organisations, SPLM/A and
various stakeholders will be invited to
the conference and will hopefully reach
agreement and/or establish a consensus on
the status of the "House of Nationalities"
and on its establishment.
The ‘House of Nationalities’
has also acquired a new perspective that
extends its original concept beyond the
bounds of ethnic identities.
It has, for example, raised questions about
the future gender balance in the governance
of the region. It has also raised questions
about the future status of de-ethnicised
urban dwellers' participation in a house
composed of ethnic nationalities with rural
grassroots.
Conclusion and Observations
Over all, the Nairobi workshop was a great
success. If for nothing else, the gathering
of so many "nationalities" under
one roof,
not only from the Southern region but also
from the Nuba Mountains, to discuss participation
of ethnic and civil society organisations
in the administration of their country,
was in itself a milestone.
But, although the atmosphere was typically
Sudanese: polite and generally camaraderie,
it was clear at the beginning of the workshop
that preconceived ideas about the intentions
and direction of the much-talked- about
‘House of Nationalities’, was
producing tension.
However, as contributions from the floor
were heard and the results of group deliberations
were shared and discussed, the atmosphere
changed from that of scepticism to that
of enthusiasm.
But, the enthusiasm with which the SPLM's
spokesman endorsed the final outcome of
the workshop, particularly his evident desire
to see an upper house of legislature established
on the ground as soon as possible, though
welcome, must ring alarm bells in the minds
of those who would rather the SPLM/A, the
de facto government in South Sudan, should
not be seen to lead the exercise in any
way.
The political scene around the world,
and particularly in Africa, is littered
with politically co-opted civil society
organisations that are likely to be popular
at grassroots.
If the ‘House of Nationalities’
is to succeed in its mission, it must not
forget its original guiding principle: conflict
resolution and peacemaking among Southern
Sudanese. Not only must it seek the approval
and support of the SPLM/A, it must also
seek endorsement from disaffected groups
that are not necessarily part of the SPLM/A.
Its independence, particularly in these
sensitive times for the region, is good
for all concerned, including the SPLM/A.
It is good for the future of civil society
organisations in the region. It is good
for democracy. It is good for South Sudan.
It is good for Sudan.
Jacob J. Akol, London, March 5, 2003.
Note: Jacob Akol is a Sudanese journalist
who currently lives in London, UK.